离美国大选只有一周了，全世界的目光都在关注着。
下面是来自十几个国家的观点，由abc新闻团队在世界各地报道，从圣保罗到首尔，从香港到哈瓦那。
去一个特定的国家:阿富汗|巴西|中国|古巴|埃及|法国|德国|伊朗|意大利|以色列和巴勒斯坦领土|日本|墨西哥|巴基斯坦|俄罗斯|南非|韩国|英国墨西哥很高兴在2016年担任许多人所说的选举人后，以某种方式缺席了2020年的竞选活动。
2020年9月29日，人们在墨西哥城的pinche gringo餐厅观看唐纳德·特朗普总统和民主党总统候选人乔·拜登之间的2020年总统竞选辩论。
墨西哥总统安德烈斯·曼努埃尔·洛佩斯·奥布拉多尔(andrés manuel lópez obrador)与特朗普总统关系良好，但与前副总统乔·拜登的关系可能更好，因为他的潜在总统职位将意味着在边境墙和中美洲移民等问题上压力较小。
在特朗普迫使amlo强化其移民政策或面临处罚后，拜登的胜利可能意味着叙事的彻底重置和更“人道主义”的移民政策，就像过去一样。
巴西
特朗普和巴西总统jair bolsonaro都有一个由保守主义和民粹主义定义的意识形态。
bolsonaro需要特朗普入主白宫，使他在巴西的总统任期合法化，并授权他进行第二次竞选。
如果特朗普输了，博尔索纳罗将在世界舞台和国内更加孤立。接近博尔索纳罗及其政府的消息人士对美国大选以及政府更迭对两国关系的影响深表担忧。
一位与bolsonaro和他的妻子michelle关系密切的人说，她每天都在向上帝祈祷特朗普获胜。特别是，巴西需要与美国建立经济和技术伙伴关系，包括新的军事技术和加入经济合作与发展组织(oecd)。
尽管特朗普宣称巴西是主要的非北约盟友，并支持其申请经合组织成员国资格，但考虑到在人权、气候变化、亚马逊等问题上的分歧，拜登入主白宫可能会更加困难。
古巴
就在美国和古巴之间的旅行开始增加，冷战对手之间的关系正在解冻之际，特朗普的2016年选举给任何关系正常化的希望带来了令人震惊的打击。
古巴政府认为，如果特朗普赢得连任，他将增加针对哈瓦那的经济措施，并加深这个岛国的经济危机。
尽管特朗普上周表示，他愿意“在适当的时候”与哈瓦那重新谈判，但他的政府迄今几乎没有做出任何努力，古巴人也不指望他很快会做出更多努力。
如果拜登获胜，古巴政府预计他将回到奥巴马时代的协议，他是其中的一部分，但不期待完全正常化。
人们相信拜登将不得不保持一些限制，也许意识到佛罗里达州的选民将要求一些严格的措施来让他们留在民主党的阵营中——记住希拉里·克林顿在2016年是如何在那里失败的。
南非
没有出现在任何总统辩论或大部分竞选活动中，但非洲大陆在美国大选的结果中有着经济利益。
作为美国在非洲最大的贸易和投资伙伴，南非从《非洲增长机会法案》(agoa)中受益匪浅，该法案允许非洲国家向美国市场出口免税商品，前提是这两个国家都符合某些标准。
但是，鉴于最近的全球变化，美国对南非的政策将来可能会变得不那么慷慨和通融。在特朗普政府认为南非限制太多后，两国之间估计价值90亿美元的贸易可能会在第二个特朗普任期内受到威胁。
特朗普对推特的偏好在过去几年里也引起了南非人的质疑。
一条关于土地改革的推文——这在南非已经是一个有争议的话题——促使该国政府的官方推文回应说，“南非完全拒绝这种狭隘的观点，这种观点只是想分裂我们的国家，让我们想起我们的殖民历史。
”我已经要求国务卿@ secpompeoto仔细研究南非的土地和农场没收和征用以及大规模杀害农民的情况。
"南非政府现在正从白人农民手中夺取土地。
"@塔克瑟卡尔森@福克斯新闻-唐纳德·j·特朗普(@ real Donald trump)
2018年8月23日
现任总统还称非洲国家为“s - hole国家”，据特朗普的前律师迈克尔·科恩(michael cohen)说，“告诉我一个由黑人管理的国家不是s - hole。它们都是完整的f - ing厕所。”
尤其令南非人恼火的是，科恩还声称，特朗普在谈到该国第一位民选总统、反种族隔离偶像纳尔逊·曼德拉时说:“曼德拉让整个国家都完蛋了。
现在它是一个黑洞。f -曼德拉。他不是领导者。”科恩在2020年出版的《不忠》一书中称，特朗普是总统任期内最具分裂性、最厌恶女性、最不尊重他人的人，这促使执政的非洲国民大会党(african national congress party)做出回应，在一份声明中谴责特朗普:“作为我们斗争的象征，纳尔逊·曼德拉总统与特朗普形成鲜明对比。
曼德拉总统是一位团结和有原则的领导人，他向世界伸出援手，寻求实现和平和公正的社会。
曼德拉总统也相信良好的贸易和良好的外交关系。备受争议的经济自由斗士政党领袖朱利叶斯·马莱马(julius malema)更进一步，他在谈到2020年的竞选时说，“我们对美国大选没有任何期望，因为无论谁获胜，都将继续执行同样的美国议程，这是对世界其他人的不尊重。
...无论谁赢得美国大选，他都将继续奉行军国主义，在世界各地建立和维持军事基地，继续推行不尊重他人生命和自由的帝国主义。
像他的对手一样，拜登也很少提及非洲大陆，但他指望他的竞选团队中的前奥巴马时代的政策专家，这表明他可能会寻求恢复前政府的非洲政策。
埃及
对于埃及总统阿卜杜勒·法塔赫·塞西来说，特朗普的选举成功似乎至关重要。
他与前总统巴拉克·奥巴马关系冷淡，奥巴马政府多次指责埃及的人权记录，并一度中止了美国的军事援助。
在特朗普执政的第一年，他的政府同样拒绝了援助，但做出了让步。
自那以后，埃及加大了对伊斯兰、自由和世俗反对派的镇压力度，监禁了数千人并禁止任何形式的抗议活动，特朗普政府基本上没有直接指责开罗，除了一些关于关押在埃及牢房的美国人的言论。
2017年，特朗普在沙特首都利雅得对阿拉伯领导人表示:“我们不是来说教的。
”当美国爆发“黑人生命至关重要”的抗议活动时，受到政府严格控制的埃及媒体挺身而出为特朗普辩护。
一位因观点古怪而臭名昭著的著名主持人指责被取缔的穆斯林兄弟会试图在美国制造混乱并推翻特朗普。
拜登表示，他不会走类似的道路，他在7月的推特上写道:“特朗普最喜欢的独裁者不会再有空白支票了，”指的是特朗普对el-sissi的描述。
这位前副总统对释放mohamed amashah发表了评论，Mohamed ama shah是一名来自新泽西的绝食医科学生，因在开罗标志性的解放广场举着写有“所有囚犯自由”的牌子而被审前拘留一年多。
如果他赢了，拜登可能会在一系列人权问题上向塞西施压，其他几名美国公民仍在埃及监狱中饱受煎熬，包括穆罕默德·索尔坦(mohamed soltan)的几名亲属，他是一名驻美国的埃及活动人士，也是一名前囚犯，他本人带头努力解放埃及的政治犯。
以色列和巴勒斯坦领土巴勒斯坦对美国大选的官方立场是沉默和中立的，但本月早些时候，总理穆罕默德·什塔耶赫(mohammad shtayyeh)代表许多巴勒斯坦人说，“如果特朗普赢得连任，上帝会帮助他的。”在特朗普政府将美国大使馆迁至耶路撒冷后，巴勒斯坦领导人切断了与特朗普政府的所有联系，特朗普政府试图通过强硬手段迫使他们接受与以色列的和平计划，甚至切断了对巴勒斯坦医院的援助。“巴勒斯坦人正在密切关注美国大选。
拉马拉附近比尔宰特大学的加桑·阿尔·哈提卜教授告诉美国广播公司新闻，没有一位美国总统像特朗普总统那样对巴勒斯坦事业造成如此巨大的损害。
前巴勒斯坦权力机构规划部长补充说，“他伤害了巴勒斯坦人，夸大了他对以色列的支持。”这正是特朗普在以色列赢得如此多支持的原因。
正在为自己的政治生存而斗争并等待2021年1月审判的总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡，看到特朗普再次当选，一定会欣喜若狂。
特朗普获胜将提升他在国内的政治地位，在他推动与其他阿拉伯国家的新关系时允许连续性，并让巴勒斯坦人保持目前的地位——这对以色列右翼非常有利。
拜登担任总统可能意味着对内塔尼亚胡采取更强硬的态度，特别是在约旦河西岸的吞并和他的人权记录，以及在伊朗核协议上重新出现分歧。
但随着阿拉伯邻国与以色列政府的关系越来越密切，这并不一定会给巴勒斯坦人带来鼓舞。他们在美国和中东阿拉伯国家的外交损失将需要很长时间才能修复，如果能恢复的话。
伊朗
就像伊朗生活的许多方面一样，政府官员对美国总统选举的看法与普通公众的看法大相径庭，在当前紧张的政治时期，从后者那里获得真正的答案是困难的。
对伊朗来说，最大的问题是伊朗核协议的未来，该协议正式被称为联合全面行动计划(jcpoa)。
由哈桑·鲁哈尼总统和他的外交部长穆罕默德·贾瓦德·扎里夫领导的现任伊朗政府愿意重启协议，并在拜登就职后召集目前的签署方谈判一项新协议。
但是保守派和强大的伊斯兰革命卫队的高级领导人说，伊斯兰共和国不会与那些杀害军事部门最高将领卡西姆·索莱马尼的人谈判。
尽管特朗普发出了命令，但他们没有区分他和拜登，称索莱马尼是被美国杀害的，这保证了与美国的谈判的结束。
对于伊朗人民来说，失望是最主要的情绪——他们对双方都感到失望和厌倦。
不管是国家领导层中的保守派还是改革派，或者是椭圆形办公室中的共和党还是民主党，都没有关系。
特朗普表示，他将在第二任期内与伊朗谈判一项“更好”的协议，其中将包括伊朗的弹道导弹计划。但是伊朗的军事力量是不可谈判的，不管代价是什么，也不管对该国实施了多少制裁，或者谁赢得了2021年的伊朗总统选举。
伊朗人民仍然清楚地记得他们在20世纪80年代与伊拉克的八年战争中的脆弱，德黑兰是多么孤立，以及这个国家需要如何自立。
阿富汗
消息传来后不久，特朗普的艾滋病病毒检测呈阳性的消息传到了阿富汗，也有报道称，塔利班为特朗普的紧急康复祈祷，甚至组织了一次祈祷。
这向许多普通阿富汗人发出了一个消极的信号——在美国与塔利班签署了一项历史性协议，给予这个叛乱组织更多的政治认可之后，他们并不需要这样一个信号。
在这张2017年8月11日的档案照片中，抗议者戴着阿富汗首席执行官阿卜杜拉·阿卜杜拉(左)和美国总统特朗普(中)以及阿富汗总统阿什拉夫·加尼(右)的面具，在喀布尔抗议阿富汗政府和塔利班武装分子。
该协议为一个直到最近还被认为是恐怖组织的团体成为主要的政治组织打开了大门。
尽管被列入联合国和个别国家的禁止旅行名单，塔利班领导人开始享受自由，并在与其他国际伙伴的会议上代表该团体。
普通的阿富汗人——他们现在可以使用社交媒体并在网上互相聊天——认为特朗普与塔利班关系良好。
如果他赢了，许多人担心他会让塔利班重新掌权来统治这个国家。
由于对塔利班残暴统治的糟糕记忆仍然记忆犹新，普通阿富汗人当然不希望这种情况发生。
“我不知道美国大选。我所希望和梦想的是一个和平的阿富汗，但我听说特朗普是塔利班的朋友。
45岁的街头小贩侯赛因·阿里(hussain ali)在喀布尔一条繁忙的街道上用手推车出售新鲜水果。
“他可能会把塔利班强加给我们。我只关心我们自己的国家，但既然美国人参与了阿富汗战争，最好是另一个人掌权，因为特朗普支持塔利班。
laila haidary是一名女权活动家，她在喀布尔经营着一家戒毒中心，她告诉美国广播公司新闻，“许多人认为塔利班已经改变了，但我没有看到他们的妇女政策有任何变化。我希望无论谁赢得美国大选，都不要对塔利班视而不见。
目前，阿富汗局势非常脆弱。任何小错误都可能改变过去20年的整体成就和牺牲。
巴基斯坦
特朗普曾称巴基斯坦总理伊姆兰·汗为“非常好的朋友”，许多巴基斯坦人说两位领导人在许多方面都很相似。
他们有时会用同样的方式说话，他们的过去会跟踪他们——有时会跟踪他们过去的陈述。
巴基斯坦人对美国选举非常感兴趣，因为这里的大多数人认为，这个国家的命运与美国对该地区的政策息息相关。
“我不想特朗普获胜，”劳工伊南·乌尔·拉赫曼告诉美国广播公司新闻。
不知道拜登的名字，他说他希望另一个候选人获胜，因为他将是“新上任的，可能会为我们做些好事”。
巴基斯坦与美国的关系主要是事务性的。对美国来说，巴基斯坦一直是该地区的热门国家，无论是帮助美国在阿富汗击败前苏联，还是帮助美国打击塔利班和基地组织，直到今天，促进阿富汗与塔利班的和平协议。
但是最近，两国关系不像十年前巴基斯坦被宣布为主要的非北约盟友时那样温暖。人们普遍认为，特朗普急于离开该地区，因为尽管阿富汗和平协议存在缺陷，但该协议已经签署，以帮助他当选，普通巴基斯坦人经常将该国的所有问题归咎于美国，尽管他们预计美国将在经济和外交上帮助该国。
预计很多巴基斯坦人会在美国大选当晚看电视，并在早上讨论选举结果以及这对国家意味着什么。
联合国
在近代历史上，很难回忆起对英国、欧洲和全球外交政策(从贸易到气候行动)影响更大的美国总统选举。
特朗普的第二个任期将重申英国保守党政府、匈牙利等其他欧洲国家以及土耳其、沙特阿拉伯和菲律宾独裁者所采取的民粹主义国家优先方针。
拜登的胜利将使像总理鲍里斯·约翰逊这样的盟友看起来孤立无援，没有达成贸易协议的直接前景，英国退出欧盟谈判步履蹒跚，他与特朗普和总统女婿兼高级顾问贾里德·库什纳建立的特殊关系是多余的。
相反，从巴黎到柏林，英国反对党和欧洲各国首都都会发出宽慰的叹息。在这张2019年12月9日的档案照片中，戴着唐纳德·特朗普(donald trump)和鲍里斯·约翰逊(boris johnson)面具的示威者参加了一场抗议活动，抗议在伦敦市中心的唐宁街(downing street)外保留国家卫生服务(national health service)为公众所有。
希望拜登政府将把美国外交政策带回西方自由主义共识的怀抱，并重新占据榜首位置。随着俄罗斯对中国的共同威胁，以及迫在眉睫的流行病和气候变化，手头将会有很多事情要做，所以期待一长串的世界领导人踏上通往拜登椭圆形办公室的道路。
如果特朗普赢得第二个任期，沉默将会震耳欲聋，但这也可能会让那些认为过去四年证明了世界大部分地区可以在没有山姆大叔的情况下继续前进的人更加坚定。
俄罗斯
在2020年的选举中，俄罗斯可能没有哪个国家能像俄罗斯这样在如此大的范围内如此有争议。
美国情报机构警告称，俄罗斯正在重复其自2016年以来的干预努力，并再次得出有利于特朗普的结论。
美国联邦调查局(fbi)警告称，俄罗斯这一次正试图抹黑拜登，据美国财政部称，这包括利用乌克兰议会中的一名俄罗斯特工宣传特朗普竞选团队收集的毫无根据的阴谋论。
特朗普从未放弃改善与莫斯科关系的承诺，也避免批评弗拉基米尔·普京总统，而拜登与西方政府一样认为普京是一个威胁。
然而，总的来说，无论谁赢了，俄罗斯官员预计双方关系都不会有什么改善。
大多数观察家认为，克里姆林宫对特朗普对美国与其北约盟友关系的破坏性影响感到满意。但尽管特朗普很友好，但事实上俄罗斯门丑闻的政治旋风和俄罗斯在海外的挑衅行为意味着两国关系已经恶化，俄罗斯一再受到国会授权的制裁。
在莫斯科，一些人担心拜登当选总统将意味着对俄罗斯采取更加强硬的态度。
但在一个关键问题上，拜登更倾向于和解，他曾表示，他将努力延长俄罗斯和美国之间最后一项主要核军备控制条约，即《新裁武条约》。
在2021年2月5日到期之前，莫斯科也希望延期，但特朗普政府几乎让该协议失效。
法国
在法国，一个传统上对美国持怀疑态度的国家，特朗普的第二次胜利将被大多数人视为超级大国棺材上的最后一颗钉子。
虽然埃马纽埃尔·马克龙没有表示支持某个特定的候选人，但拜登获胜符合法国总统的利益。尽管很少有人认为这是“真正领袖”的胜利，但拜登得到了广泛的支持，包括在爱丽舍宫这样的高层。
人们希望拜登将美国带回到巴黎气候协议和世界卫生组织等国际组织中，实质上是回到国际舞台上一个更传统的角色。
马克龙最近说:“在国际环境中非常重要的是，美国能够发挥其作为联合国安理会常任理事国和全面参与多边事务的成员的作用。”。尤其是对法国来说，美国的贸易战和特朗普政府设定的关税(严重影响葡萄酒等法国商品)是争论的焦点。
此外，回归传统的美国外交将在多个方面安抚这个欧洲国家:美国社会日益扩大的分歧反映了欧洲的分歧，以及欧洲后院极右民粹主义者的崛起。
特朗普迫使欧盟面对自己的弱点。马克龙一直比其他欧洲领导人更好地管理白宫——给予他外国势力给予的所有照顾，同时利用国际舞台上留下的真空来建立自己作为外交救世主的角色。
但特朗普获胜也将被视为对马克龙2022年将会发什么牌的警告，极右翼海军陆战队的勒庞一直在崛起。
德国
自二战结束以来，美国和德国一直保持着特别密切的关系。
但是特朗普的总统任期给它带来了巨大的压力。
美国智库德国马歇尔基金会的苏达.大卫-威尔普告诉柏林的当地居民说:"大西洋两岸的关系实际上是维系生命的纽带。
"在这张2013年2月1日的档案照片中，德国总理安吉拉·默克尔在柏林联邦总理府接见美国副总统乔·拜登。
除了特朗普退出许多多边协议，对欧盟产品征收关税，以及丁池德国没有达到北约的支出目标，德国人还对美国的国内问题感到不安。在皮尤最近的一项研究中，只有26%的德国人对美国持积极态度，这与2003年伊拉克战争爆发后的情绪相当，比2000年的78%大幅下降。
自2005年以来一直担任德国总理的安吉拉·默克尔表示，她不会在2021年再次竞选连任。特朗普和默克尔的政党，中间偏右的基督教民主党之间没有失去爱情。
外交事务领导人诺伯特·罗特根告诉《政治》杂志，在特朗普的第二个任期内，美国和整个欧盟之间的合作将面临风险。
他说:“一个内部分裂、充满敌意的国家将在某个时候失去塑造外交事务的能力，所以我们会看到美国继续退出国际政治，创造一个别人非常乐意填补的真空。”他说，在拜登的领导下，美国和德国的关系将再次成为伙伴关系。“如果特朗普获胜，大西洋两岸的裂痕将再次出现。如果乔·拜登获胜，最响亮的声音将是香槟酒瓶塞的砰砰声。
意大利
意大利人总的来说总是带着极大的惊讶看着美国大选，尤其是今年。
意大利媒体对特朗普在新冠肺炎问题上的立场和他的各种古怪行为感到惊讶，而许多公众并不真正理解拜登代表什么。
一位店主上周说，他看不出这两个白人富人有什么不同。
从历史上看，意大利当然与美国关系良好，尽管当前联合政府的同床异梦以及与特朗普政府在意大利与中国的关系、5g业务以及特朗普在欧盟的关税问题上存在一些紧张关系。
在这张2020年9月24日的档案照片中，教皇弗朗西斯在副总统乔·拜登的陪同下，在华盛顿国会发表演讲后向人群挥手致意。
但是，随着意大利政府很快讨好新总统和新政府，这种情况预计不会有什么改变，新总统和新政府是美国与北约的重要盟友，也是美国在其领土上的基地。
正如拜登所说，他的首要任务是恢复跨大西洋关系，“北约将有更多的考虑，新总统将在与中国和俄罗斯的关系上采取更强硬的立场，并将更接近欧洲、日本和澳大利亚，”意大利著名的美国政治评论员gianni riotta说。
拜登也将是继约翰·肯尼迪之后第二位信奉天主教的美国总统。这对意大利人来说可能没那么重要，尽管这可能会让他与罗马教廷和教皇方济各(pope francis)之间的关系变得更加简单，教皇方济各一直是特朗普的对手，尤其是他对移民和气候变化行动的支持。
韩国
首尔的韩国官员屏息等待总统选举结果，因为拜登的胜利将带来重大后果，并改变美国对中国、朝鲜和驻韩美军的外交政策。
尽管文在寅总统的政府在表面上重申了与美国“强大而牢固的联盟”的言论，但它一直在回避并努力与中国建立更密切的关系，中国是韩国的头号贸易伙伴，也是影响朝鲜的关键角色。
2020年10月23日，首尔火车站，电视屏幕上直播了美国总统唐纳德·特朗普和民主党总统候选人、前副总统乔·拜登在最后一场总统辩论中的对话。
这里的分析人士预计，无论是拜登还是特朗普获胜，美国对中国的压力都将继续，但鉴于特朗普独自与中国作战，留下韩国一人，拜登政府可能会采取传统的外交方式，要求韩国选择立场。
对首尔来说，这将是一个艰难的决定。至于朝鲜，人们的情绪是，特朗普直接与金正恩打交道的自上而下的方法肯定会推进核谈判。
分析人士说，拜登的总统任期很可能会迫使朝鲜倒退到特朗普时代之前，迫使朝鲜回到他们的隐士王国模式。
拜登高度关注“在世界范围内推进人权和民主”，并将金正恩描述为“凶残”、“野蛮”和“无情”，这肯定会让目前的月球政府维持“月球-金正恩浪漫”的努力与美国特朗普单方面要求韩国大幅增加东道国对驻扎在德国的美国军队的支持以及最近将军队调离德国的决定相矛盾，这只会加剧人们对美国是否是“可靠”伙伴的担忧。
分析人士说，拜登政府可能会放弃特朗普的战略，朝着更友好的方向谈判。
日本
一般来说，日本公众认为美国是一个好伙伴，但美国正经历一段时间的内部麻烦。
日本政府为维护美日同盟做出了巨大努力，前首相安倍晋三在回避美国关税或撤军方面取得了很大成功。
无论谁赢得美国大选，日本首相菅义伟都将继续努力让美国感到高兴，并保持这种联盟关系。
“菅义伟可以对任何一方(特朗普或拜登)做同样的事情，但对现任政府稍有偏爱，只是因为日本在不久的过去对特朗普做了很多事情，”安倍内阁前特别顾问谷口智彦(tomohiko taniguchi)表示。
2020年10月26日，东京，一名男子走过一个屏幕，屏幕上显示共和党总统唐纳德·特朗普(左)和民主党候选人、前副总统乔·拜登正在进行在线投票，以预测美国总统大选的获胜者。这使得日本在美国的盟友中独一无二。
东京索菲亚大学(tokyo's sophia university)院长兼政治学教授中野光一(koichi nakano)表示，几乎一直掌权的日本保守党更喜欢共和党人，而不是民主党人，因为他们优先考虑大企业，较少关注人权、民主和法治。“也就是说，重要的是不变的，”tomohiko说，“无论谁有机会担任美国的最高职位，对当时的日本首相来说，第一、第二和第三个最重要的任务就是与美国建立尽可能好的关系。”
中国
无论哪位候选人赢得大选，对中国来说，最重要的长期外交政策挑战可能莫过于美国与中国的关系。
自疫情爆发以来，特朗普政府中的中国鹰派释放了大量针对北京的酝酿已久的不满，并在国内间谍活动和技术盗窃问题上与他们一决高下;新疆、西藏和香港的人权侵犯;中国南海的军事集结;以及美国对台军售。
获胜者将不得不评估这一政策给美国带来了什么，以及如何应对日益自信的中国。
尽管新冠肺炎第一次出现在中国，但中国似乎已经完全控制了疫情，中国可能是唯一一个在2020年看到经济增长的国家。
由于美国无法控制自己的感染，并且出现了社会动荡的画面，中国官方媒体夸大了美国的困境，认为这是美国正在衰落的迹象。
在这一差距中，随着与几乎所有邻国的紧张关系加剧，中国在亚太地区积极展示实力。
尽管如此——或许正因为如此——皮尤最近的一项调查显示，今年唯一一个声誉比中国差的国家是美国。
2020年10月23日，香港一家餐馆，电视屏幕播放了中国习主席·金品在一次活动上的讲话，以及美国民主党总统候选人前副总统乔·拜登在美国总统辩论上的讲话。
尽管有贸易战和特朗普政府的好战言论，但许多观察人士认为，北京实际上更希望特朗普再连任四年。
普遍的看法是，与特朗普再打交道四年的短期痛苦会带来长期收益。
特朗普在中国社交媒体上的一个流行昵称是“建国”或“建国”。他们指的国家是中国。
特朗普通过削弱美国在世界各地，尤其是亚洲的网络盟友，让中国再次变得强大。
尽管中国在该地区的朋友越来越少，但北京方面认为特朗普政府在国际上被视为不可靠和混乱的——这为他们创造了一个重大机遇。
虽然拜登政府可能会恢复以往既定的接触规范，比如不在推特上公开关系的肮脏内容，但如果拜登和他的顾问能够重新激励美国的传统盟友形成一个更加统一的阵线来对抗中国，那么拜登的胜利将被视为对北京的更大挑战。
北京并没有忘记这样一个现实:无论谁入主白宫，北京和华盛顿之间的关系已经发生了不可磨灭的变化。它将继续下放的水平和速度将取决于2021年1月20日哪位总统将坐在坚决的办公桌后面。
The world is watching the US election. What are they thinking?
TheU.S. electionsare just one week away and the eyes of the world are watching.
Here are the views from over a dozen countries, reported by the ABC News team around the world from Sao Paulo to Seoul and Hong Kong to Havana.
Go to a specific country:Afghanistan|Brazil|China|Cuba|Egypt|France|Germany|Iran|Italy|Israel and the Palestinian territories|Japan|Mexico|Pakistan|Russia|South Africa|South Korea|United Kingdom
Mexico
Mexico is very pleased to be somehow absent from the 2020 campaign after serving as what many called an electoral piñata forDonald Trumpin 2016.
People watch the first 2020 presidential campaign debate between President Donald Trump and Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden, at the Pinche Gringo restaurant in Mexico City, Mexico, Sept. 29, 2020.
Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, or AMLO, has a good relationship with President Trump, but could have a better one with former Vice PresidentJoe Bidenas his potential presidency will mean less pressure with issues including a border wall and migration from Central America. After Trump forced AMLO to toughen his immigration policy or face penalties, a Biden victory could mean a complete reset in the narrative and a more "humanitarian" immigration policy, as it used to be.
Brazil
Both Trump and Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro share an ideology defined by its conservatism and populism. Bolsonaro needs Trump in the White House to legitimize his presidency in Brazil and to give him a mandate for a second run. If Trump loses, Bolsonaro will be more isolated on the world stage and at home.
Sources close to Bolsonaro and in his administration have expressed deep concern about the U.S. elections and what a change in administration could mean for the relationship. One person close to Bolsonaro and his wife Michelle said she is praying to God every day for Trump to win.
In particular, Brazil needs economic and technological partnerships with the U.S., including new military technologies and membership in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, or OECD. While Trump declared Brazil a major non-NATO ally and backed its bid for OECD membership, a Biden White House could be more difficult -- given disagreements on human rights, climate change, the Amazon and more.
In this Sept. 7, 2020, file photo, a supporter of the right-wing Brazilian president holds up a sign on the Brazilian Independence Day.
Cuba
Just as travel between the U.S. and Cuba was beginning to increase and relations were thawing between the Cold War adversaries, Trump's 2016 election delivered a shocking blow to any hope of normalized relations.
The Cuban government thinks that if Trump wins reelection, he will increase economic measures against Havana and deepen the island nation's economic crisis. While Trump said last week that he was open to renegotiating with Havana "at the right time," his administration has made next to no effort so far, and Cubans don't expect him to do more any time soon.
If Biden wins, the Cuban government expects he will return to the Obama-era deal that he was a part of -- but it doesn't expect full normalization. The belief is Biden will have to maintain some restrictions, perhaps realizing that voters in Florida will demand some stringent measures for them to stay in the Democrats' fold -- remembering how Hillary Clinton lost there in 2016.
South Africa
Africa has not featured in any of the presidential debates or in much of the campaigning, yet the continent has an economic stake in the outcome of the U.S. elections.
As America's largest trade and investment partner in Africa, South Africa has benefited substantially from the African Growth Opportunity Act (Agoa), which allows African countries to export duty-free to the U.S. market, providing both countries meet certain criteria. But, in light of the recent global shifts, U.S. policy towards South Africa might be less generous and accommodating in the future. The $9 billion of estimated trade between the two countries could be imperiled under a second Trump term after his administration identified South Africa as being too restrictive.
Trump's proclivity for Twitter has also raised South Africans' heckles over the past few years. A tweet about land reform -- an already controversial topic in South Africa -- prompted the country's official government Twitter to respond, "South Africa totally rejects this narrow perception which only seeks to divide our nation and reminds us of our colonial past."
I have asked Secretary of State@SecPompeoto closely study the South Africa land and farm seizures and expropriations and the large scale killing of farmers. "South African Government is now seizing land from white farmers."@TuckerCarlson@FoxNews
— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump)August 23, 2018
The incumbent also referred to African nations as "s---hole countries," and, according to Trump's former lawyer Michael Cohen, once said, "Tell me one country run by a Black person that isn't a s---hole. They are all complete f---ing toilets." Particularly galling to South Africans, Cohen also alleged that Trump said of the country's first democratically elected president, anti-apartheid icon Nelson Mandela: "Mandela f---ed the whole country up. Now it's a s---hole. F--- Mandela. He was no leader."
Cohen's claims, in his 2020 book "Disloyal," prompted the ruling African National Congress party to respond by condemning Trump in a statement as the most divisive, misogynistic and disrespectful person ever to occupy the office of the president: "The icon of our struggle, President Nelson Mandela stands in stark contrast to Trump. A unifying and principled leader, President Mandela reached out to the world and sought to bring peace and a just society. President Mandela also believed in good trade and sound diplomatic relations."
Julius Malema, the controversial leader of the Economic Freedom Fighter political party, has gone further, saying of the 2020 race, "We do not have any expectations on the U.S. elections -- because whoever wins will continue with the same American agenda, which has no respect for other people in the world. ... Whoever wins elections in the U.S. will continue with the militarism, establishment and sustenance of military bases in different parts of the world and imperialism which does not respect other people's lives and freedoms."
Like his rival, Biden has also seldom brought up the continent, but counts on former Obama-era policy experts on his campaign team -- a sign he may seek to restore the previous administration's Africa policy.
Egypt
For Egypt's President Abdel Fattah El-Sissi, election success for Trump seems to be of utmost importance. He had a frosty relationship with former President Barack Obama, whose administration repeatedly rebuked Egypt for its human rights record and, at one point, suspended U.S. military aid.
In Trump's first year, his administration similarly withheld aid, but backed down. Since then, Egypt has increased its crackdown on Islamist, liberal and secular opposition, jailing thousands and banning any kind of protests -- and Trump's administration has largely stopped short of directly rebuking Cairo, apart from some remarks on Americans jailed in Egyptian cells. "We are not here to lecture," Trump told Arab leaders in the Saudi capital of Riyadh in 2017.
When "Black Lives Matter" protests erupted in the U.S., Egyptian media, which is tightly controlled by the state, leapt to Trump's defense. One famous presenter, notorious for his eccentric views, accused the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood of trying to sow chaos in the U.S. and unseat Trump.
Biden has indicated that he will not follow a similar path, tweeting in July: "No more blank checks for Trump's 'favorite dictator,'" referring to Trump's reported description of el-Sissi. The former vice president was commenting on the release of Mohamed Amashah, a hunger-striking medical student from New Jersey who served more than a year in pre-trial detention for holding up a sign that read "Freedom to All Prisoners" in Cairo's iconic Tahrir Square.
Should he win, Biden is likely to press el-Sissi on a range of human rights issues, with several other American citizens still languishing in Egyptian jails, including several relatives of Mohamed Soltan, a U.S.-based Egyptian activist and a former prisoner himself who spearheads efforts to free political prisoners in Egypt.
Israel and the Palestinian territories
The official Palestinian position on the U.S. election is silent and neutral, but Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh spoke for many Palestinians earlier this month when he said, "God help up if Trump wins re-election."
Palestinian leadership cut all ties with the Trump administration after it moved the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem and the administration has tried to strong arm them into accepting its peace plan with the Israelis -- even cutting aid to Palestinian hospitals.
"Palestinians are watching closely the U.S. election. No U.S. president caused a huge damage to the Palestinian cause as much as President Trump," Professor Ghassan al Khattib of Birzeit University near Ramallah told ABC News. The former Palestinian Authority planning minister added, "He harmed the Palestinians and exaggerated his support for Israel."
That's exactly why Trump's earned so much support in Israel. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who is fighting for his political survival and awaiting trial in January 2021, would be nothing short of ecstatic to see Trump reelected. A Trump win would boost his political standing at home, allow for continuity as he pushes for new relations with other Arab countries, and keep Palestinians in their present position -- a very favorable one for the Israeli right wing.
A Biden presidency could mean a harder line against Netanyahu, especially on annexation in the West Bank and his human rights record, and the return of divisions over the Iran nuclear deal.
But it won't necessarily give the Palestinians a boost as Arab neighbors move toward closer ties with the Israeli government. Their diplomatic losses both in the U.S. and among the Middle East's Arab countries will take a long time to fix -- if they can be restored at all.
In this Jan. 17, 2020, file photo, regime supporters burn the US flag during a protest in Tehran.
Iran
As with many aspects of life in Iran, how the U.S. presidential election is viewed by government officials is quite different from how it's seen by the general public -- and getting real answers from the latter is difficult at best in these tense political times.
The biggest question for Iran is the future of the Iran nuclear deal, formally known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, or JCPOA. The current Iranian government, led by President Hassan Rouhani and his Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif, is willing to revive the deal and assemble the current signatories to negotiate a new agreement if Biden takes office.
But conservatives and senior leaders of the powerful Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps say that the Islamic Republic will not negotiate with those who killed the military branch's top general, Qassem Soleimani. While Trump sent the order, they do not differentiate between him and Biden, saying that Soleimani was killed by the U.S. and that that guarantees the end of negotiations with the U.S.
For the Iranian people, disappointment is the most dominant sentiment -- they are disappointed and fed up with both sides. It doesn't matter whether it's a conservative or reformist administration in the country's leadership, or a Republican or Democrat in the Oval Office.
Trump says that he will negotiate a "better" deal with Iran in his second term and that it will include Iran's ballistic missile program. But Iran's military power is nonnegotiable no matter what the price and regardless how many sanctions are put on the country -- or who wins Iran's presidential elections in 2021. The Iranian people still vividly remember their vulnerability during the eight-year war with Iraq in the 1980s, how isolated Tehran was, and how the nation needs to stand on its own feet.
Afghanistan
Soon after news that Trump tested positive forCOVID-19reached Afghanistan, it was also reported that the Taliban prayed -- even organized a prayer -- for Trump's urgent recovery. That sent a negative signal to many ordinary Afghans -- not that they needed one after the U.S. signed a historic agreement with the Taliban, giving the insurgent group more political acceptance.
In this Aug. 11, 2017, file photo, protesters wear masks of Afghan Chief Executive Abdullah Abdullah (L) and US President Trump (C) and Afghan President Ashraf Ghani (2R) to protest against the Afghan government and Taliban militants, in Kabul.
That agreement opened the door for a group that was until very recently considered a terrorist organization to become a major political one. Despite being placed on the United Nations' and individual countries' no-travel lists, Taliban leaders started enjoying freedom and representing the group in meetings with other international partners.
Ordinary Afghan people -- who nowadays have access to social media and are chatting with each other online -- believe that Trump is on good terms with the Taliban. If he wins, many fear he might bring the Taliban back into power to rule the country. With bad memories of brutal Taliban rule still fresh, ordinary Afghans certainly do not want that to happen.
"I don't know about U.S. election. All I want and dream of is a peaceful Afghanistan, but I heard that Trump is a friend of Taliban. I hope he doesn't win," said Hussain Ali, a 45-year-old street vendor, selling fresh fruits from a wheelbarrow on one of Kabul's busy streets. "He might impose the Taliban on us. All I care is about our own country, but since the Americans are involved in Afghanistan, it's better another person come to power because Trump is supporting Taliban."'
Laila Haidary, a women's rights activist who also runs a drug rehabilitation center in Kabul, told ABC News, "Many people believe Taliban have changed, but I do not see any changes in their policies for women. Whoever wins the U.S. election I hope does not turn a blind eye towards the Taliban. Currently, Afghanistan is in a very fragile situation. Any small mistake could change the whole achievement and sacrifices of the past 20 years."
Pakistan
Trump once called Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan a "very good friend," and many in Pakistan say the two leaders are similar in many ways. They sometimes talk the same way and their pasts stalk them -- and sometimes their past statements.
Pakistanis take great interest in U.S. elections as most here believe the country's fate is tied with U.S. policies for the region.
"I don't want Trump to win," Inam ur Rehman, a laborer, told ABC news. Not knowing Biden's name, he said he wants the other candidate to win because he will be "new to the job and might do something good for us."
Pakistan's relationship with the U.S. has mostly been transactional. For the U.S., Pakistan has been the go-to country in the region, whether it was helping the U.S. defeat the former Soviet Union in Afghanistan or helping the U.S. in their fight against the Taliban and al--Qaida, to -- in the present day -- facilitating the Afghan peace deal with the Taliban.
But of late, the relationship is not as warm as when Pakistan was declared a major non-NATO ally a decade ago. It is widely believed that Trump is in a hurry to leave the region now that the Afghan peace deal is signed, despite its flaws, to help him in his election, and ordinary Pakistanis often blame the U.S. for all the country's ills, even as they expect the U.S. to help the country economically and diplomatically.
A lot of Pakistanis are expected to be watching TV the night of the U.S. elections and discussing the outcome and what it means for the country in the morning.
United Kingdom
It is hard to recall in recent history a more consequential U.S. presidential election for Britain, Europe and much of global foreign policy, from trade to climate action.
A second term for Trump will be a reaffirmation of the populist nation-first approach adopted by Britain's conservative government, by other European countries such as Hungary, and by autocrats in Turkey, Saudi Arabia and the Philippines.
A victory for Biden will leave allies like Prime Minister Boris Johnson looking isolated with no immediate prospect of a trade deal, Brexit negotiations faltering and the special relationship he's built with Trump and Jared Kushner the president's son-in-law and senior adviser, redundant. Conversely, the sigh of relief from Britain's opposition parties and European capitals from Paris to Berlin will be audible.
In this Dec. 9, 2019, file photo, demonstrators wearing masks of Donald Trump and Boris Johnson take part in a protest for keeping the National Health Service publicly owned outside Downing Street in central London.
The hope is that a Biden administration will bring American foreign policy back into the fold of Western liberal consensus and that it will retake its position at the top of the table. With shared threats from Russia to China and, most immediately, the pandemic and climate change, there will be much business at hand, so expect a long queue of world leaders beating a path to Biden's Oval Office.
If Trump wins a second term, the silence will be deafening, but it might also strengthen the hand of those who feel, if anything, the last four years have proved that much of the world can carry on without Uncle Sam holding its hand every step of the way.
Russia
Probably no foreign country features so largely and controversially in the 2020 election as Russia. U.S. intelligence agencies have warned that Russia is repeating its interference efforts from 2016, having again concluded that it favors Trump. The FBI has warned that Russia, this time, is running an effort to try to discredit Biden, and according to the U.S. Treasury Department, that includes using a Russian agent in Ukraine's parliament to promote unfounded conspiracy theories that have been picked up by the Trump campaign.
Trump has never dropped his promises to improve relations with Moscow and has shunned criticizing President Vladimir Putin, while Biden shares the consensus among Western governments that Putin is a threat.
Overall, however, Russian officials expect little improvement in relations no matter who wins.
Most observers believe the Kremlin is pleased by Trump's disruptive influence on America's relationship with its NATO allies. But despite Trump's friendliness, in reality the political whirlwind from the Russia-gate scandal and Russia's provocative acts overseas have meant the relationship has gotten worse, with Russia hit repeatedly by congressionally mandated sanctions.
In Moscow, some are alarmed that a Biden presidency will mean an even more hawkish attitude towards Russia. But on a key issue, Biden is more conciliatory -- he has said he would to try to extend the last remaining major nuclear arms control treaty between Russia and the U.S., known as New START. Ahead of its Feb. 5, 2021 expiration, Moscow also wants an extension, but the Trump administration is close to letting the agreement lapse.
In this June 6, 2019, file photo, President Donald Trump meets with French President Emmanuel Macron at the Prefecture of Caen, Normandy, northwestern France.
France
In France, a traditionally American-skeptic country, a second win for Trump would be seen by most as the final nail in the superpower's coffin. While Emmanuel Macron has not expressed support for a particular candidate, a Biden win is in the French president's interests. Although few would see it as the victory of "a true leader" across the pond, Biden has general support, including in as high places as the Elysée Palace.
It is hoped that Biden would bring the U.S. back into the Paris climate accord and international organizations such as the World Health Organization -- in essence, returning to a more traditional role on the international scene.
"What is very important in the international context is that the U.S. can play their role as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, of a fully engaged member in multilateral issues," Macron said recently. For France in particular, the United States' trade war and the tariffs set by the Trump administration, which heavily affect French goods such as wine, are a point of contention.
Besides, a return to traditional U.S. diplomacy would reassure this European country in more ways than one: American society's widening divisions mirror that of Europe, and the rise of far-right populists in Europe's own backyard. Trump forces the EU to face its own weaknesses.
Macron has been managing the White House resident better than other European leaders -- treating him with all the care due to a foreign power, while profiting off the vacuum left on the international scene to build his own role as diplomatic savior. But a Trump win will also resound as a warning of what cards Macron will be dealt in 2022, with a far-right Marine Le Pen consistently on the rise.
Germany
The U.S. and Germany have enjoyed an especially close relationship since the end of World War II. But the Trump presidency has put enormous strain on it.
"The transatlantic relationship is practically on life support," Sudha David-Wilp of the German Marshall Fund, American think tank, told The Local in Berlin.
In this Feb. 1, 2013, file photo, German Chancellor Angela Merkel receives US Vice President Joe Biden at the Federal Chancellery in Berlin.
In addition to Trump withdrawing from many multilateral agreements, putting tariffs on EU products, and chiding Germany for not meeting its NATO spending target, Germans are unsettled by the United States' domestic issues. In a recent Pew study, just 26% of Germans had a positive view of the U.S. -- comparable to sentiment after the start of the Iraq War in 2003 and a staggering drop from 78% in 2000.
Angela Merkel, who has been chancellor of Germany since 2005, has said she will not run for re-election again in 2021. There's been no love lost between Trump and Merkel's party, the center-right Christian Democrats. Foreign affairs leader Norbert Röttgen told Politico that cooperation between the U.S. and the European Union at large would be at risk in a second Trump term.
"A country that is internally divided and full of acrimony will at some point lose the ability to shape foreign affairs, so we'd see the American retreat from international politics continue, creating a vacuum that others would be more than happy to fill," he said. Under Biden, the U.S.-German relationship would become a partnership again, he said.
"If Trump wins, the transatlantic rift will make another audible crack. If Joe Biden wins, the loudest sound will be the popping of champagne corks," wrote Andreas Kluth, a German columnist for Bloomberg News.
Italy
Italians in general always watch U.S. elections with a lot of amazement, but this year in particular.
Italian media has marveled at Trump's stance on COVID-19 and his various antics, while many in the public don't really understand what Biden stands for. One shopkeeper said last week that he didn't see any difference between the two white, rich men.
Historically, Italy of course has had a good relation with the U.S., despite the strange bedfellows of the current coalition government and some tensions with the Trump administration over Italy's ties to China and the 5G business and over Trump's tariffs on the European Union.
In this Sept. 24, 2020, file photo, Pope Francis, accompanied by Vice-President Joe Biden, waves to the crowd after addressing the Congress in Washington.
But little is expected to change, with the Italian government cozying up quite fast to any new president and administration -- a key U.S. ally with NATO and American bases on its soil. As Biden has said his priority will be restoring transatlantic ties, "NATO would have more consideration, and the new president would take a tougher stance regarding relations with China and Russia and would be closer to Europe, Japan and Australia," according to Gianni Riotta, a well-known Italian commentator who covers U.S. politics.
Biden would also be only the second Catholic president of the United States, after John F. Kennedy. That may matter less for Italians, although it could make him more simpatico with the Holy See in Rome and Pope Francis, who has served as something of a counter to Trump, particularly with his support for migrants and action on climate change.
South Korea
Officials in Seoul are holding their breath to see the presidential election results because Biden's victory would bring significant consequences and change to U.S. foreign policy on China, North Korea and U.S. troops in South Korea.
Although President Moon Jae In's administration reiterates the "strong and solid alliance" rhetoric with the U.S. on the surface, it's been steering away and working towards closer relations with China -- South Korea's number one trading partner and a key player in influencing North Korea.
A TV screen shows a live broadcast of U.S. President Donald Trump and Democratic presidential candidate former Vice President Joe Biden during the final presidential debate, at the Seoul Railway Station in Seoul, Oct. 23, 2020.
Analysts here expect U.S. pressure on China will continue whether it's Biden or Trump who wins, but whereas Trump fought China on his own and left South Korea alone, Biden's administration would likely take the traditional diplomatic approach and demand South Korea choose sides. That will be a difficult call for Seoul.
As for North Korea, the mood is that Trump's top-down approach dealing directly with Kim Jong Un surely advanced nuclear talks. It is highly likely, analysts here say, that Biden's presidency will force steps back to the pre-Trump era, forcing North Korea back into their hermit kingdom mode.
Biden's heavy focus on "advancing human rights and democracy around the world" and describing Kim as "murderous," "brutal" and "ruthless" would definitely put the current Moon administration effort to maintain a "Moon-Kim romance" at odds with the U.S.
Trump's unilateral demand of South Korea for a massive increase in host nation support for U.S. forces stationed here and the recent decision to relocate troops out of Germany has only reinforced anxiety here about whether the U.S. is a "reliable" partner. Analysts say a Biden administration is likely to dump Trump's strategy and negotiate towards a more amicable direction.
Japan
Generally, the Japanese public sees the U.S. as a good partner, but one going through a period of internal trouble. The government has made herculean efforts to preserve the U.S.-Japanese alliance, with former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe largely successful in sidestepping U.S. tariffs or troop withdrawals.
Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga will continue to try to keep the U.S. happy and hold that alliance, regardless of who wins the U.S. election: "Suga would be able to do similarly with either (Trump or Biden), but with a touch preference given to the current administration simply because with Mr. Trump Japan has done quite a lot in the immediate past," according to Tomohiko Taniguchi, former special adviser to Abe's cabinet.
A man walks past a screen showing Republican President Donald Trump, left, and Democratic candidate and former Vice President Joe Biden for an online voting to predict the winner in the U.S. presidential election, in Tokyo, Oct. 26, 2020.
That makes Japan unique among America's allies. Its conservative party, which is almost always in power, prefers Republicans to Democrats in general, according to Koichi Nakano, a dean and political science professor at Tokyo's Sophia University, because they prioritize big business and focus less on human rights, democracy and rule of law.
"That said, what matters is unchangeable," said Tomohiko, "Whoever chances to be in the highest office of the United States, it is the first, second and the third most important task for the Japanese prime minister of the day to build the best possible relationship with that POTUS."
China
There may be no more consequential long-term foreign policy challenge for whichever candidate wins the election than the U.S. relationship with China. Since the pandemic, the China hawks within the Trump administration unleashed a multitude of long-gestating grievances against Beijing and confronted them all at once -- on domestic espionage and technology theft; human rights abuses in Xinjiang, Tibet, and Hong Kong; military build-up in the South China Sea; and U.S. arms sales to Taiwan.
The winner will have to assess what that policy has gained for the U.S., as well as to contend with an increasingly confident China. Despite COVID-19 first appearing in China, it appears Beijing has the pandemic completely under control within its borders, and China will likely be the only country to see its economy grow in 2020. With the U.S. unable to get their infections under control and marked by images of social unrest, Chinese state media has played up America's woes as signs that the U.S. is a nation in decline. In that gap, China has flexed its muscles aggressively in the Asia-Pacific region with tensions rising with almost all its neighbors.
Despite this -- or perhaps because of it -- a recent Pew survey showed the only country whose reputation has fared worse this year than China is the U.S.
A TV screen broadcasts Chinese President Xi Jinpin speaking at an event and U.S. Democratic presidential candidate former Vice President Joe Biden speaking at the U.S. presidential debate, at a restaurant in Hong Kong, Oct. 23, 2020.
In spite of the trade war and the bellicose rhetoric from the Trump administration, many observers believe that Beijing actually prefers another four years of Trump. The prevailing belief is that the short term pain of dealing with Trump for four more years would yield longer-term gains. A popular nickname for Trump on Chinese social media is 'jianguo' or "Building the Nation."
The nation they're referring to is China., with Trump making China great again by weakening America's network allies around the world, especially in Asia. While China also has increasingly fewer friends in the region, Beijing sees that a Trump administration is viewed internationally as unreliable and chaotic -- creating a major opportunity for them.
While a Biden administration would likely provide return to previous established norms of engagement -- such as not airing the relationship dirty laundry in tweets -- a Biden win would be seen as a greater challenge for Beijing if he and his advisers were able to re-galvanize America's traditional allies into a more unified front to counter China.
The reality is not lost on Beijing that whoever wins the White House, the relationship between Beijing and Washington has already been indelibly altered. The level and pace that it would continue to devolve will depend on which president will sit behind the Resolute Desk on Jan. 20, 2021.
