参议院共和党人周二明确表示，他们希望对乔·拜登总统提出的1060亿美元国家安全拨款申请进行一些重大修改，其中包括对乌克兰和美国的援助以色列.
参议院少数党领袖米奇·麦康奈尔(Mitch McConnell)周二在新闻发布会上表示，“很明显，发送过来的补充材料只是一个起点。”。"我们将仔细检查一遍."
现在，就在请求到达国会山的几天后，参议院共和党人正在划定界限，重点是修改南部边境的政策。他们的目标是在起草一份最受众议院同事欢迎的法案的同时，获得政策上的胜利。
参议院拨款委员会很可能会掌控总统对参议院的要求。
国务卿安东尼·布林肯和国防部长劳埃德·奥斯汀将于下周二，10月31日，在委员会面前对补充请求进行全面审查。
但是更大的共和党会议的成员已经表明了他们的立场。
以下是拜登新提议中共和党最大的几个痛点:
以色列和乌克兰资金的联系
参议院共和党人方面对于是否应该将得到广泛支持的对以援助与对乌援助联系起来没有达成共识声望下降一段时间了。拜登的提议将乌克兰和以色列联系在一起，并为边境安全和台湾提供资金。
在参议院，有一小部分共和党人反复呼吁参议院领导层允许他们单独考虑这些措施。
佛罗里达州参议员里克·斯科特(Rick Scott)在一份声明中说，“拜登总统和华盛顿的统治阶级继续利用一个又一个危机来推动大规模支出计划，这些计划与投票无关，美国人应该感到厌恶。”“两党都压倒性地支持以色列，我们可以很快在参议院通过一揽子援助计划。拜登对乌克兰援助的要求就不一样了，这远不止是击败普京的致命援助。”
但麦康奈尔周二实际上支持拜登将乌克兰的资金与以色列、台湾和边境的资金联系起来的举措。他称乌克兰和以色列面临的威胁是“一个全球性问题的一部分，需要全面解决，而不是零敲碎打。”
“我确实认为它需要全面，”麦康奈尔谈到补充请求时说。“我认为它需要处理所有这些问题，因为它们都是相互关联的。”
相对而言，参议院不太可能拆分这个方案。没有足够多的共和党人反对整体转移资金，也有人担心转移几个单独的一揽子计划可能需要多长时间。
参议院少数党党鞭约翰·图恩(John Thune)表示:“仅仅从时间安排的角度来看，很难看出，如果你不得不分别推动所有这些法案，你如何以任何速度完成这项工作。”。
只要众议院没有议长现在还不完全清楚如果参议院提出一个方案，众议院会怎么做。众议院可能会分裂参议院通过的法案，但前进的道路尚不明朗。
边境政策，不仅仅是资金
拜登的补充包括为南部边境拨款140亿美元。尽管最初被认为是共和党人的甜头，但事实证明，这笔资金对参议院的许多人来说乏善可陈。
共和党人表示，为了支持拜登补充计划，他们需要在边境进行实质性的政策改革，而不仅仅是额外的资金。
“这是拜登政府提出的补充，这是一个笑话，”参议员史蒂夫戴恩斯，R-Mont。，说道。“这不是在边境投入更多资金，我们必须减缓资金流动，而是改变政策。他们在边境不需要更多的钱，他们必须改变政策，消除跨越边境的动机。”
2023年10月24日，在国会山，参议员史蒂夫·戴恩斯在参议院共和党政策午餐会后对媒体发表讲话。
斯蒂芬妮·斯卡布罗/美联社
一群参议院共和党人人一直在定期开会，以制定一份他们希望实施的政策提案清单。没有任何事情得到证实，但正在考虑的是改变庇护政策、假释和其他旨在“减缓”移民流入墨西哥的措施，如恢复特朗普政府的留在墨西哥政策或疫情时代的第42条。
“这需要威慑，需要改变政策，需要确保我们要做的是看到这些数字不只是一点点下降，而是非常非常明显的下降，”弗吉尼亚州共和党参议员谢莉·摩尔·卡皮托说。
这个问题可能成为这个方案中最大的跨党派斗争之一。
多数党领袖查克·舒默在周二的新闻发布会上明确表示反对共和党的立场。
“我们不支持政策改变，”舒默说。
反对加沙援助
在政府的要求中，有一项100亿美元的人道主义救援拨款，将在以色列、乌克兰和加沙之间分配。
共和党人对加沙地带嗤之以鼻。俄亥俄州共和党参议员万斯(J.D. Vance)在关注加沙无辜平民福祉的同时，也对资金落入坏人之手表示担忧。
“只是笼统地提供人道主义援助的问题在于，金钱是可以替代的。如果你让哈马斯自由地把资源花在杀人上，你实际上并没有在人道主义方面取得多少成就，你只是杀死了更多的以色列人。
当被问及加沙资金时，图恩直言不讳:“这对我们的一些人来说是个问题，”他说。
参议院民主党人基本上支持拜登的一揽子计划，但至少一些参议院共和党人人将不得不支持最终产品，以最终批准援助，因为需要60票才能清除参议院的阻挠。
如果所有民主党人都出席并投票，如果他们都支持该法案，这仍有待观察，那么至少需要9名共和党人支持。
Senate Republicans seek concessions on Biden's $106 billion request for aid to Israel, Ukraine
Senate Republicans made clear Tuesday they hope to make some major modifications to President Joe Biden's $106 billion national security funding request that includes aid to Ukraine andIsrael.
"It's pretty clear that the supplemental that was sent over is just a starting point," Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell said at a press conference Tuesday. "We are going to go over it with a fine tooth comb."
Now, just days after the request arrived on the hill, Senate Republicans are drawing lines in the sand with a particular focus on modifying policies at the southern border. Their aim is to extract policy wins while crafting a bill that would be most palatable to their House colleagues.
The Senate Appropriations Committee will likely be the ones to take the reins when it comes to shaping the president's request to the Senate's liking.
Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin are slated to appear before the committee next Tuesday, Oct. 31, for a full review of the supplemental request.
But members of the larger GOP conference are already staking out their positions.
Here are a few of the biggest GOP pain points in Biden's new proposal:
The linking of Israel and Ukraine funding
There's little consensus among Senate Republicans around whether or not broadly-supported aid to Israel ought to be linked to aid for Ukraine, which has beenwaning in popularityfor some time. The Biden proposal loops Ukraine and Israel together along with funding for border security and Taiwan.
In the Senate, there's a small but not insignificant group of Republicans who have called repeatedly on Senate leadership to allow them to consider the measures separately.
"Americans should be disgusted that President Biden and Washington’s ruling class continue to use crisis after crisis to push massive spending packages for issues that have no business being voted on together," Sen. Rick Scott, R-Fla., said in a statement. "There is overwhelming bipartisan support for Israel and we can get an aid package passed in the Senate quickly. The same cannot be said about Biden’s asks on Ukraine aid, which is far broader than just lethal aid to defeat Putin."
But McConnell on Tuesday actually backed Biden's move to link money for Ukraine to funding for Israel, Taiwan and the border. He called the threats to Ukraine and Israel part of a "worldwide problem that needs to be dealt with entirely, not in piecemeal."
"I do think it needs to be comprehensive," McConnell said of the supplemental request. "I think it needs to deal with all of these because they are all interrelated."
It seems relatively unlikely that the Senate will split up the package. Not enough Republicans oppose moving the funding as a block, and there are also concerns about how long it could take to move several individual packages.
"It's hard to see how, just from a scheduling standpoint, if you had to move all those bills separately, how you get that done with any kind of speed around here," Senate Minority Whip John Thune said.
As long asthere isn't a speaker of the House, it's not entirely clear what the House might do if the Senate were to send along one package. The House could potentially split up a Senate-passed bill, but the path forward is unclear.
Border policy, not just funding
Biden's supplemental includes $14 billion allocated for the southern border. Though initially thought to be a pot-sweetener for Republicans, the funding has proven lackluster for many in the Senate.
Republicans say they'll need substantive policy changes at the border -- not just additional funding -- in order to back the Biden supplemental.
"That supplemental the Biden administration proposed that is a joke," Sen. Steve Daines, R-Mont., said. "It is not about throwing more money at the border, we've got to slow the flow, it's about changing policies. They don't need a lot more money at the border they've got to change the policies to remove the incentives to come across the border."
A group of Senate Republicans has been meeting regularly to develop a list of policy proposals they'd like enacted. Nothing has been firmed up but among those being considered are changes to asylum policy, parole, and other measures aimed at "slowing the flow" of migrants into the country, such as a reinstatement of the Trump administration's Remain in Mexico policy or the pandemic-era Title 42.
"This needs to be deterrence, needs to be a change in policy, it needs to be make sure that what we're going to do is see these numbers come down not just a little bit but very very measurably," Sen. Shelley Moore Capito, R-W.Va. said.
This issue could become one of the biggest across-the-aisle fights on this package.
Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, at a press conference Tuesday, made his objection to the GOP position clear.
"We are not for policy changes,” Schumer said.
Objection to Gaza Aid
Nestled within the administration's request is a $10 billion allocation for humanitarian relief to be divvied among Israel, Ukraine and Gaza.
Republicans are turning up their noses as the Gaza piece. While concerned about the well-being of innocent civilians in Gaza, Republicans like Sen. J.D. Vance, R-Ohio, expressed concern about funds falling into the wrong hands.
"The problem with just sort of blanket offers of humanitarian aid is that money is fungible. And if you free up Hamas to spend resources on killing people, you haven't actually accomplished much on the humanitarian side, You've just killed more Israelis," Vance said.
Thune was blunt when asked about the Gaza funds: "That'll be problematic for a number our folks," he said.
Senate Democrats are largely lining up behind Biden's package, but at least some Senate Republicans will have to back the final product to eventually green light the aid since 60 votes are needed to clear the Senate filibuster.
If all Democrats are present and voting -- and if they all support the bill, which remains to be seen -- then at least nine Republicans will need to back it.
