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俄亥俄州初选将举行秋季选举,可能会颠覆州最高法院的控制权

2024-03-18 09:42 -ABC  -  152276

俄亥俄州哥伦布市自自由派法官在俄亥俄州最高法院占据多数席位以来,已经过去了近40年。

民主党人希望今年是改变的一年,这场竞选将随着周二的初选而开始成形。他们将选择一名候选人竞争最高法院的一个空缺席位,该法院将成为重划选区、公共教育,卫生保健、环境问题和刑事司法。

但民主党人希望堕胎能改变这个州的游戏规则。在过去十年里,该州已从中间派转向可靠的共和党。俄亥俄州最高法院预计将决定如何实施选民批准的将生育权写入州宪法的宪法修正案。

“我不认为说生育自由和堕胎权在这次州最高法院竞选中岌岌可危是夸大其词,”俄亥俄州支持堕胎权利组织的执行董事凯利·科普兰说。

对于全国各地的州最高法院席位来说,这将是意义重大的一年,33个州将选举其中的80个席位。俄亥俄州是少数几个选民有可能推翻最高法院党派控制权的州之一,活动人士和主要政党已经准备好迎接一场激烈而昂贵的竞选。

民主党人今年将捍卫俄亥俄州法院的两个席位,而第三个席位是开放的。只有开放席位的初选竞争激烈,两名民主党人正在那里争取11月面对共和党法官的权利。

他们必须在秋季赢得所有三场比赛,才能以4比3的优势翻盘。这是一项艰巨的任务,在这个州,共和党人控制着全州所有的办公室,在立法机构中占绝对多数,并两次投出令人信服的赞成票唐纳德·特朗普竞选总统。

但是俄亥俄州民主党人看到了一条打破共和党长期以来对州政府三个分支的垄断的可能途径。11月,包含个人生殖健康保健决策权的修正案以57%的支持率获胜,该决策权包括堕胎、流产护理、避孕和试管婴儿。

克利夫兰凯斯西储大学法学院法学教授杰西·希尔(Jessie Hill)说,“选民可能没有意识到,即使他们通过了堕胎权修正案,这些围绕现行堕胎法律的斗争仍在法院系统中进行,俄亥俄州最高法院有权以他们认为合适的方式解释修正案。”杰西·希尔为该修正案的倡导者提供咨询。“这是一种巨大的力量。”

俄亥俄州基督教美德中心主席Aaron Baer表示,法院的党派构成将在很大程度上决定修正案的实施方式。

“我们刚刚通过了一项修正案,规定我们不能在可行之前限制堕胎,”Baer说,他在“保护俄亥俄州妇女”委员会任职,这是一项重要的反对运动。“但你会看到法官采纳这项修正案,试图将加州的议程强加给俄亥俄州人吗?”

近年来,全美各州最高法院的竞选成本越来越高。在一次威斯康星州去年最高法院竞选的支出超过4200万美元,几乎是之前任何州最高法院竞选记录的三倍。民主党支持的密尔沃基法官赢得了这场竞选,让自由派控制了法院,该州的堕胎禁令岌岌可危。

前俄亥俄州民主党主席大卫·佩珀说,该党在威斯康星州的成功增强了该党在全国法院竞选中的希望——特别是在俄亥俄州,该党在那里的控制举足轻重。

“我过去不得不恳求全国人民理解为什么最高法院的竞选如此重要,”他说。“在威斯康星州之后,这些不再是一些隐藏的、低利息的竞选活动。”

他说,在2022年美国最高法院决定终止堕胎的宪法权利后,这些种族开始受到更大的关注,将问题转回各州。

在密歇根州,民主党以4比3的优势占据多数席位,一名民主党和一名共和党现任议员将参加竞选选举今年虽然没有党派标签。最低工资和清洁能源目标是那里的核心问题。

在俄亥俄州,共和党自1986年以来一直控制着州最高法院的多数席位。最高法院对共和党在立法机构中以绝对多数通过并由共和党州长签署的有争议法律以及共和党控制的选区重新划分委员会的决定起到最终仲裁者的作用。

委员会的投票导致了一场旷日持久的法律纠纷,在这场纠纷中,法院多次宣布其地图不公正选区划分违宪。这场斗争之后,一个两党联盟正在为11月份的一项宪法修正案收集签名,该修正案将把政客从俄亥俄州的地图制作过程中清除出去。他们的运动可能会使重划选区成为今年秋季最高法院竞选中的另一个主要问题。

周二选举中的一场初选有两名民主党人参加,他们是第八地区上诉法院法官丽莎·福布斯(Lisa Forbes)和第十地区上诉法院法官特里·贾米森(Terri Jamison),后者两年前竞选失败。获胜者将与共和党人丹·霍金斯竞争一个空缺席位。丹·霍金斯是富兰克林县民事诉讼法院的法官。

在最近的一次候选人论坛上,两位民主党人都暗示,在解释立法机构制定的法律时,民主党在法院中占据多数席位是多么重要。这个立法机构的选区划分不公平,让共和党获得了绝对多数席位。

福布斯已经得到了州民主党的支持,她说她竞选的动机是确保法院成为有效的防火墙。

“我担心的一件事是,你听到立法者公开谈论试图避免执行或规避已颁布的法律——俄亥俄州公民以压倒性多数颁布的宪法修正案——这让我对我们的民主感到担忧,”她说。“当人们发言时,立法者的工作是按照他们的意愿行事。"

在同一场活动中,贾米森说,俄亥俄州的司法机构是政府的独立部门,永远不应该服从立法机构。

“我们对他们没有次要地位,”她说。

福布斯、贾米森和霍金斯正在争取目前由共和党大法官约瑟夫·迪特斯担任的席位,此前迪特斯选择在今年秋天挑战民主党大法官梅洛迪·斯图尔特的席位。这一决定允许德特斯在最高法院寻求一个任期到2030年的席位,比他目前的任期长四年。

在第三场竞选中,现任民主党法官迈克尔·唐纳利将在11月面临汉密尔顿县民事诉讼法院法官、共和党人梅根·沙纳汉的挑战。

德特斯的举动可能会增加民主党人的脆弱性,甚至让共和党人在高等法院获得更多席位。这位前州司库和县检察官分享了斯图尔特的任职优势,但也受益于俄亥俄州的保守政治倾向:共和党约占选民的54%,而民主党占46%。

由于2021年共和党支持的一项法律要求司法候选人带着政党标签参选,政党归属现在在俄亥俄州的法院竞选中很重要。

沙纳汉竞选团队的共和党顾问瑞安·斯图本劳赫(Ryan Stubenrauch)表示,俄亥俄州倾向于保守的政治将使民主党很难赢得任何包含政党标签的法庭竞选。他还表示,堕胎似乎已经不再是竞选的首要议题。

他说:“将最高法院竞选和俄亥俄州的所有其他竞选都变成以堕胎为中心的竞选将是民主党人的希望和祈祷。”“对我来说,这似乎极不可能奏效,因为选民们觉得堕胎问题已经在第一个问题中得到了解决,足够长的时间将会过去,这种担忧将被遗忘。”

Ohio primary will set up fall election that could flip control of state supreme court

COLUMBUS, Ohio -- It's been nearly four decades since liberal-leaning justices held a majority on Ohio's supreme court.

Democrats hope this is the year that changes, in a campaign that will begin to take shape with Tuesday's primary. They'll be choosing a candidate to compete for an open seat on a court that will be at the center of fights over redistricting, public education, health care, environmental issues and criminal justice.

But it's abortion that Democrats hope will be a game-changer in a state that has swung from centrist to reliably Republican over the past decade. The Ohio Supreme Court is expected to shape how a voter-approved constitutional amendment that enshrined reproductive rights in the state constitution will be implemented.

“I don’t think it’s an overstatement to say reproductive freedom and abortion access is at stake in this state supreme court race,” said Kellie Copeland, executive director of Pro-Choice Ohio.

It will be a consequential year for state supreme court seats around the country, with 80 of them on the ballot in 33 states. Ohio is among only a few states where it's possible for voters to flip partisan control of their supreme court, and already activists and the major parties are bracing for an intense and expensive campaign.

Democrats will be defending two seats on the Ohio court this year, while a third is open. Only the open seat, where two Democrats are campaigning for the right to face a Republican judge in November, has a competitive primary.

They would have to win all three races in the fall to flip the court's 4-3 majority. That's a tall task in a state where Republicans hold every statewide office, supermajorities in the Legislature and twice voted convincingly for Donald Trump for president.

But Ohio Democrats see a possible path to cracking the Republican Party’s longstanding lock on all three branches of state government. In November, the amendment enshrining an individual’s right to make reproductive health-care decisions — including on abortion, miscarriage care, contraception and IVF — won with 57% support.

“Voters may not realize that even if they pass this amendment for abortion rights, these fights over existing abortion laws are all still ongoing in the court system, and the Ohio Supreme Court holds power in interpreting the amendment how they see fit,” said Jessie Hill, a law professor at Case Western Reserve University School of Law in Cleveland who consulted for advocates of the amendment, known as Issue 1. “That is a huge amount of power.”

Aaron Baer, president of the Center for Christian Virtue in Ohio, said the partisan makeup of the court will largely determine how the amendment gets implemented.

“We just passed an amendment that says we’re not going to be able to have abortion restrictions prior to viability," said Baer, who served on the board for Protect Women Ohio, the Issue 1 opposition campaign. “But are you going to see judges take this amendment and try to jam a California agenda onto Ohioans?”

State supreme court races across the country have become increasingly costly in recent years. During a Wisconsin Supreme Court race last year, spending topped $42 million, nearly triple the previous record for any state supreme court contest. A Democratic-backed Milwaukee judge won that race, giving liberals control of the court with the fate of the state’s abortion ban on the line.

Former Ohio Democratic Party Chair David Pepper said the party's success in Wisconsin is bolstering its hopes in court races across the nation — particularly in Ohio, where party control is in play.

“I used to have to beg people nationally to understand why these supreme court races mattered,” he said. “After Wisconsin, these are no longer some hidden, low-interest campaigns."

He said the races began to gain greater attention after the 2022 U.S. Supreme Court decision that ended the constitutional right to abortion, turning the issue back to the states.

In Michigan, where Democrats hold a 4-3 court majority, one Democrat and one Republican incumbent are up for election this year, though without party labels. The minimum wage and clean energy goals are among the central issues there.

In Ohio, Republicans have controlled a majority on the state Supreme Court since 1986. The court has served as final arbiter on disputed laws passed by GOP supermajorities in the Legislature and signed by Republican governors, as well as on decisions of the Republican-controlled redistricting commission.

The commission's votes led to a protracted legal dispute in which the court repeatedly declared its maps unconstitutionally gerrymandered. After that fight, a bipartisan coalition is gathering signatures for a constitutional amendment in November that would remove politicians from Ohio's map-making process. Their campaign could elevate redistricting as another major issue in the supreme court contests this fall.

The one contested primary in Tuesday's election features two Democrats, 8th District Court of Appeals Judge Lisa Forbes and Judge Terri Jamison, a 10th District Court of Appeals judge who ran and lost two years ago. The winner will face Republican Dan Hawkins, a judge on the Franklin County Court of Common Pleas, for the one open seat.

During a recent candidate forum, both Democrats hinted at how important it could be to have a Democratic majority on the court to interpret laws coming from a legislature that is gerrymandered to give Republicans a supermajority.

Forbes, who has been endorsed by the state Democratic Party, said she was motivated to run to assure the court serves as an effective firewall.

“One of the things that I am concerned about is, you hear legislators talking openly about trying to avoid implementing, or working around, enacted laws — the constitutional amendment that the citizens of Ohio overwhelmingly enacted — and that gives me concern for our democracy," she said. “When people speak, it is the legislators' job to do their will.”

During the same event, Jamison said Ohio's judiciary is an independent branch of government that should never defer to the Legislature.

“We have no secondary position to them," she said.

Forbes, Jamison and Hawkins are seeking the seat currently held by Republican Justice Joseph Deters, after Deters chose instead to challenge Democratic Justice Melody Stewart for her seat this fall. The decision allows Deters to seek a spot on the court that runs until 2030, four years longer than his current term.

In the third contest, incumbent Justice Michael Donnelly, a Democrat, will face a challenge from Republican Megan Shanahan, a Hamilton County Common Pleas Court judge, in November.

Deters’ move could increase Democrats' vulnerability and even allow Republicans to gain more seats on the high court than they already have. The former state treasurer and county prosecutor shares Stewart's incumbency advantage but stands to benefit from Ohio’s conservative political leanings: Republicans represent roughly 54% of the electorate compared with Democrats' 46%.

Party affiliation matters now in Ohio's court races, thanks to a 2021 Republican-backed law that requires judicial candidates to run with party labels.

Ryan Stubenrauch, a Republican consultant to Shanahan's campaign, said Ohio's conservative-leaning politics will make it difficult for Democrats to win any court race that includes party labels. He also said abortion appears to have already faded as a top campaign issue.

“It would be the hope and prayer of Democrats to turn the supreme court race and every other race in Ohio into an abortion-centered race," he said. "To me, that seems extremely unlikely to work because voters feel like abortion was addressed with Issue 1 and enough time will have passed that the concern will have been forgotten.”

 

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